This article deals with a particular case of blasphemy that happened in 1995 when a Protestant televangelist insulted one of the most reverend religious symbols of Brazil - Nossa Senhora Aparecid. This was shown on TV as the televangelist's protest against the presence of Catholicism in the public sphere of Brazil. The author uses this case in order to consider the cult of saints as a symbolic site where issues of nation, history, ideology, public space, and so on, come together. The attack on the image of the saint and the outrage that followed revealed and unmasked many elements of Brazilian "invisible religion," which until then had remained hidden. This scandal resulted in the paradoxical transformation of the image of the Virgin - this image blended with Afro-Brazilian tradition and Candomblé, leading to the reconfiguration of the whole structure of the public sphere that was deciphered in this image (of the Virgin).

Keywords: Brazil, religion, blasphemy, cult of saints, Nossa Senhora Aparecid, Catholicism, Candomblé.

Johnson P. K. Pinky, undressing and changing clothes of the Saint: public space in the recent Brazilian "holy War" / / State, Religion, Church in Russia and abroad. 2017. N 2. pp. 123-149.

Johnson, Paul C. (2017) "Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War", Gosudarstvo, religiia, tserkov' v Rossii i za rubezhom 35(2): 123-149.

Translated into Russian by Johnson, Paul C. (1997)" Kicking, Stripping, and Re-Dressing a Saint in Black: Visions of Public Space in Brazil's Recent Holy War", History of Religions 37(2): 122-140. Translation and publishing rights are provided by The University of Chicago.

The author would like to express his gratitude to Andrea Ferreira Jacques de Moray for her assistance in this study.

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I. Introduction

GODS, saints, and other extraordinary beings must by definition be separated from the mundane human lot. But religions in their very existence depend on the fact that these forces are at least partially and temporarily within the reach of man. The events in Brazil that will be discussed, like the iconoclastic feuds of the eighth century, indicate that the question of the location of these supernatural forces can be not just difficult, but bloody.

Under the year 6218 from the creation of the world (September 1, 726-August 31, 727), Theophanes ' Chronography describes the initial stages of the Byzantine troubles:

A certain Constantine, a soldier of Artavasdes, saw the icon of the Mother of God standing, threw a stone at it, crushed it, and trampled it underfoot; in a vision he saw the Lady, who, standing before him, said to him: a brave, very brave deed you have done against Me! You did it on your head. In the morning, when the Saracens came to the wall and the battle began, a brave soldier ran up the wall, and suddenly, unhappy, he was struck down by a stone thrown from a car, which crushed both his head and face, and he received a worthy reward for his wickedness. 1
In the same year, in another clash, when the men of Emperor Leo III smashed the image of Jesus at the main gate of the imperial palace in Chalcedon, the people killed some of the defilers. In retaliation, Leo, whom Theophanes describes as having "imbibed the opinions of the Saracens" for his attitude towards icons, punished many, especially the nobles,by cutting off their limbs, whipping them, expelling them, and depriving them of their estates. 2
October 12, 1995, at the closing of the national holiday dedicated to Our Lady the Patron Saint of Brazil, during the national TV program "25th hour" Protestant te-

1. The Chronicle of Theophanes: An English Translation of anni mundi 6095-6305 (A.D. 602-813) (1982), pp. 96-98. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. (Cited in: Chronicle of the Byzantine Theophanes from Diocletian to Tsars Michael and his son Theophylact (translated from the Greek by V. I. Obolensky and F. A. Ternovsky). Moscow: In the University Printing House (M. Katkov) on Strastny Boulevard, 1884, pp. 295-296. - Approx.trans.).

2. Ibid.

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Leper evangelist Sergio Von Helder kicked the Virgin Mary 3. If we keep in mind Theophanes ' Chronography, the dramatic consequences could hardly be considered unexpected. However, the current context of the conflict shows sharp differences from its prototype of the eighth century: such aspects as the nation and public space, the presence of Afro-Brazilian religions and different groups of Christians, as well as different attitudes towards images of saints, which resulted from this pluralism.

At one end of this spectrum is the radical monistic position of the Hebrew Bible's proponents, which links images to idolatry; a position that Brazilian evangelicals like to recall: "So, to whom do you liken God? And what likeness will you find to It? The artist pours out the idol" (Isaiah 40: 18-19). At the other end of this continuum are Afro-Brazilian traditions, such as Candomblé, where axé, the transformative power, exists only in so far as it benefits health, well-being, and good fortune, or in so far as it is embodied in the bodies (living images) of possessed female mediums (iaô). Other traditions are located in the middle part of the spectrum. Just as the Buddha in the Mahayana tradition tells the Bodhisattva Maitreya that "if a person awakens his faith and establishes an image of the Buddha, each of his misdeeds will be redeemed", images can be valued primarily as hermeneutical or mnemonic devices that lead to a different, more spiritual goal: a position that is generally close to official ones Statements on the use of images of saints made by the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB)4.

3.In Brazil, Protestants are divided into the categories of "traditional", "Pentecostal" and - the youngest group - "neo-Pentecostal". Von Helder belongs to the latter category and represents the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (World Church "Kingdom of God"), founded in 1977 by Bishop Edir Macedo.

4. In the Catholic tradition itself, the discussion of the presence of the sacred in matter was also, of course, accompanied by discrepancies and conflicts. The Second Council of Nicaea in 787 tended to define the legitimacy of icon worship as an intermediate path leading to the divine. The Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, in another serious dispute - this time over the justification of the divine presence in human creatures such as bread and wine - proposed, following Aristotle, to distinguish between external accidents and internal essence. Mahayana text, Taisho Shinshu Daizokyo, 16, No. 694, cit. по: Van Voorst, R.E. (1994) Anthology of World Scriptures, pp. 99-101. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth.

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However, the debate over the location of sacred power is not primarily theological in nature. They gain meaning when they take on an incarnation: there and then, where and when images are erected, and through them interaction with the divine is carried out. One approach to the worship of images is carried out through spatial problems: through the consideration of how the claim to the divine presence establishes centers and peripheral areas, ideological and physical spaces of greater or lesser authority. The case that is being considered here - a kick to the patron saint of Brazil-implies a problem of religious authority in relation to the concepts of a modern nation and public space. This kind of view draws on Peter Brown's agonistic approach to the cult of saints: a position that stands in sharp contrast to Victor Turner's influential position with its emphasis on communitas resulting from pilgrimages to icon worship centers in Mexica5. As Brown writes:

The death of paganism in Western society and the rise of the cult of saints, in its distinctly aristocratic and urban forms, have meant that from late antiquity onward, upper-class culture in Europe will always measure itself against the savagery of rusticitas, in the creation of which it itself played a significant role... It seems to me that the most noticeable feature of the establishment of the Christian Church in Western Europe was the implantation of human administrative structures and an ideal potentia associated with invisible human beings and their visible human representatives-city bishops; implanting at the expense of traditions that belonged to the structure of the landscape itself"6.

Brown's remarks express the idea that images of saints are always associated with forces on this side: with visible (human) representatives who have a decisive influence on the symbolic construction of space. If the following-

5. Turner, V. (1974) Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society, pp. 166-231. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.

6. Brown, P. (1981) The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, pp. 124-125. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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according to the guidelines set by Brown in his analysis of the early Christian period, it seems that the first relics, and then, especially since the tenth century, the statues of saints, were analytical objects in which a variety of meanings turned out to be compressed: theological, political, ethnic, and in Modern times - racial and national.

In Latin America, in the post-conquest era, Spanish and Portuguese saints served as points of agreement and simultaneously challenged political identity. Beginning in 1531, to take an obvious example, Nahuatl-speaking Mexicans began ritualizing the same object that the Conquistadors worshipped: the Virgin Mary of Guadalupe, even though the "identity" and interpretation of this image were far from clear. To the Spaniards, it was the Virgin of Extremadura; to Juan Diego and other Nahuatl Mexicans, it was Tonantzin or Sihuacoatl. The tension between these interpretations still exists, and both meanings have merged in the concept of "Mexicanism" and the national charisma of the Virgin Mary. Similar tensions and initial likenesses took place in Brazil, where the West African orisha (orixás), nkisi (inquices) and voodoo (voduns) were iconographically adapted by slaves to Catholic saints. This two-faced pantheon made a distinction between the optical illusion of" conversion " that was present in the festive ritualization of saints, and "deep knowledge". (fundamentos), which then and now resists full public openness and serves as a marker of "Africanism" in the Brazilian nation.

In the New Light, the subject of images of saints forms a privileged, officially sanctioned space in which ethnic, nationalist and, as we will see, racial forces manifest themselves. Moreover, if some famous images of the Virgin Mary really became national symbols - Catholic, but different from the Roman versions: Guadalupe in Mexico, Fatima in Portugal, Lourdes in France,

7. For example, she ordered Juan Diego to build her sanctuary on a hill called Tepeyac, where the Tonantzin sanctuary was formerly located (Rodriguez, J. (1994) Our Lady of Guadalupe: Faith and Empowerment among Mexican-American Women, p. 41. Austin: University of Texas Press).

8. The phrase belongs to Andrew Apter: Apter, A. (1992) Black Critics and Kings: The Hermeneutics of Power in Yoruba Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Nossa Senhora Aparecida (Our Manifest Lady)9 in Brazil, the question of what, who, and how exactly these images represent has been disputed in domestic contexts. As nationalist associations with the saint grew, as was only to be expected, so did the stakes about what and for whom it meant. Indeed, in this late-modern period, the fact that she means Mother and that she is powerful and capable of meaning her implies nothing more or less than the discussion and definition of the scope of public space in Brazil. Nossa Senhora Aparecida carries the meaning not only of religion in the public space and the "problem" (at least for Neo-Pentecostal Protestants) of its public appearance in a country where religion, according to the constitution, is separated from the public sphere (disestablished in the public sphere), but also represents the racial meaning and ritualized appearance of Afro-Asians.- Brazil. For Nossa Senhora Aparecida has always been dark-skinned, but only a year ago 10 it became black 11.

II. Nationalization of saints

The events associated with the discovery of Nossa Senhora Aparecida, like the early Christian lives of saints, are partly history, partly hagiography. Her story is perhaps unusual in that the Lady is revered as a saint, not because of her personal hierophany and the subsequent spread of the vision, but rather because of the unusual discovery of her statue in the river. Thus, this saint was once already venerated in some other place. It is quite possible that in reality it was an image of the Spanish Virgin Mary of Guadalupe from Extremadura 12.

9. This is extremely literal, although not necessarily the best translation. Nossa Senhora Aparecida can be translated as "Our Lady of appearance", "Our Lady who appeared" or, as a variant of the title, "Our Lady of Aparecida", where Aparecida is the name of the city.

10. This article was first published in 1997. - Ed. note.

11. "Black" is used here intentionally to match North American word usage [the author of this article wrote his text for readers in the United States. In Brazil, black (preto) is the most derogatory term, and negro is the preferred term among Afro - Brazilians; in other words, it is the exact opposite of African - American usage in the United States.

12. It is impossible to prove this, as the image was seriously damaged by prolonged exposure to water. However, Brazil was under significant Spanish influence.

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In October 1717, the story goes, the Portuguese Count Pedro Miguel de Almeida Portugal y Vasconcellos was to arrive in the city later named Aparecida to take control of the new captaincies of Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais, which had recently been created in south-central Brazil to ease Portuguese control over the gold mining boom that followed the discovery of deposits in 1695, 13 local fishermen were asked to catch as many fish as possible in the Paraiba River in order to meet the count with dignity. The weather was bad, but three fishermen, Domingos Garcia, Joan Alves and Felipe Pedroso, decided to take a chance and trust the treacherous waves. Having cast their nets with a faint hope of success, they pulled them out and were surprised to find a headless statuette about forty centimeters high entangled in it. Soon they fished out the head, which miraculously fit perfectly with the statue. The most striking feature of the Virgin Mary-a trait whose importance was not revealed until much later-was her dark brown color: apparently a depigmentation effect caused by prolonged exposure to muddy water. After the discovery of the statue, fishing went extremely well: the nets were full, and the reception of the new ruler turned out, as expected, to be truly magnificent.

In this account of the beginning of the story, several points deserve attention. First, it partly follows the gospel narrative (namely Jn 21: 4-6), where Jesus tells the frustrated fishermen to cast the net once more: the presence of the Virgin Mary, like that of Jesus, provides a fantastic catch. Second, and more important, the first appearance of Our Lady coincides with the arrival of the ruler; in fact, her appearance marks his arrival - perhaps anticipating the ruler's hopes of establishing his own imperious presence. Go ahead-

Its influence began in 1580, when Portugal came under the rule of the Spanish crown under Philip II. There were probably chapels dedicated to Guadeloupe in Brazil during this period. Portugal regained its independence only after the Braganza dynasty ascended to the throne in 1640.

13. Beginning in 1534, Joan III, King of Portugal, having no resources to develop a new territory, divided Brazil into fifteen captaincies stretching from the coast to the barely defined line of demarcation in the interior of the country, fixed by the Treaty of Tordesillas. The rulers could collect taxes and rule as they saw fit, but were required to settle and defend territories at their own expense. In fact, they were Crown fiefs, like medieval ones.

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Thus, in a cynical interpretation of the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (World Church of the Kingdom of God), the crafty priest Jose Alves Vilela placed the image in the river before its miraculous discovery in order to link his own ecclesiastical ambitions with the new government.14 This accusation of image manipulation is the reverse of the Catholic hagiography of the new saint. Both versions should obviously be considered critically: as strategic discourses that pursue practical goals. In any case, we must not lose sight of the fact that the "discovery" of the saint took place not only at the time of the arrival of the new ruler, but also between the two anti-colonial uprisings in SanPaulu and Minas Gerais; we are talking about the" war with strangers " (Guerra dos Emboabas) of 1709 and the war of Felipe dos Santos of 1720. Thus, whatever the providential circumstances of the saint's appearance, she too, from the very beginning of her career, was involved in the dynamics of national resistance to colonial policies.

Our Lady who appeared soon became the patron saint of fishermen in the region, and in 1745 the first chapel in her honor was opened, after which the first regional pilgrimages were initiated. However, she first acquired the national status of a purely Brazilian saint in 1822, when Pedro I elevated her to the rank of patroness of the country in the Declaration of Independence of Brazil from Portugal. On the one hand, the Virgin Mary, considered a sacred sign of the kingdom as opposed to the image of the royal colony, was at this crucial moment ritually authorized as a national symbol; on the other hand, it sanctified and authorized the redefinition of the territory's status by Don Pedro. As a result, this particular image of Our Lady became a symbolic marker of a special Brazilian identity as distinct from that of the Portuguese Crown. From now on, she was no longer the patroness of the fishermen of the Paraiba River, but the symbol of the new independent nation as a whole.

14. This suggestion was made in a special issue of Igreja Universal's own newspaper, Folha Universal, published a week after the saint's "kicking".

15. The first of these wars was a war for control of the "gold rush" between the local," Brazilian " Paulists (the Brazilian nation did not yet exist) and the newly arrived Portuguese from the coast. The Second War was a revolt against the imposition of a new colonial system of tax collection (Burns, E. B. (1993) A History of Brazil, 3d ed., pp. 78-79. New York: Columbia University Press).

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As a result of this mutual consecration, popular worship of the Appearing Mother of God became widespread in the course of the 19th century. Her popularity was further institutionalized in 1930, when Pope Pius XI sanctioned on behalf of the Church the decision of Pedro I made a century earlier, and officially, through the imprimatur of the Vatican, declared her "patroness of Brazil". This announcement by the Pope was officially announced by Cardinal Leme with due pomp and ceremony on the eve of the military coup provoked in Brazil by the consequences of the depression in the global coffee market. When the dust settled ,the" revolution " (which took place with almost no clashes) left Zhetuliu Vargas at the head of the state.

Vargas, a populist dictator, gained control of Brazil from the hands of a military junta in 1930. [16] Vargas supported the parastatal Catholic Church. The Virgin of Aparecida became her sign and symbol of a united Brazil. The color of the statue gave iconographic form to the growing myth of Brazil's utopian racial harmony between Africans, Indians, and Europeans. [17] Paradoxically, Vargas gave Cardinal Lema, his right-hand man in the church, relative leeway in suppressing Afro-Brazilian "cults" in favor of nationalized Catholicism. Although the Constitution proclaimed freedom of religion and the separation of church and State since 1890, it also allowed for State intervention in matters of "public welfare", including practices such as healing and divination. Thanks to this constitutional focus, Afro-Brazilian religions have been relegated to the status of "cults" and threats to the public good. State repression eased as "cults" were subject to State registration and regulation. At the same time, other aspects of Brazilian Negro culture, such as "dirty blocks" (blocos sujos) at the carnival procession, received official approval of Rio as a "samba school", that is, in the same area as the "samba school".

16. By the end of the 19th century, the south of Brazil was populated mainly by Germans and Italians, and was considered a "white", "civilized" Brazil in comparison with the north and northeast, where African and Native American influences prevailed.

17. This myth is documented, but also partly created by Gilbert Freyre in his authoritative work: Freyre, G. (1933) Casa Grande e Senzala. Rio de Janeiro: José Olympico.

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to the extent that they fit into the national dictates of appropriate public decorum 18.

From now on, our Lady Who Appeared has become a marker of public space, transformed as a result of mixed marriages into the folklore shadow of a mulatto woman, although "whitened" for the public good. The period of Vargas ' rule at the head of the Estado Novo ("New State"), which ended in 1945, was spatially captured by the plans for the construction of a new basilica for Our Lady of the Apparition: it was supposed to be a huge building, towering over the surrounding buildings and able to accommodate about thirty thousand parishioners at a time 19. The cornerstone of the new basilica was laid in 1946, a year after Vargas left office. Regional pilgrimage centers, such as the Church of Our Lord of Bonfim in Salvador, Bahia, or the Chapel of Father Antonio Vieira in the north-east of the country, although they continued to play an important role, were overshadowed by the grandeur of the Basilica in Aparecida and the power of the national authority that built it. This did not in the least detract from the popular veneration of the Mother of God who appeared, but it emphasized that nationalization of the Holy Mother of God was a major step forward.Nossa Senhora demanded more than popular veneration: it also required authorizing ritualizations and structures that exalted the Mother of God, even if she-dialectically-led the construction of national power.

In 1950, the authority of the Virgin Mary around the world dramatically increased as a result of the fact that Pope Pius XII recognized the doctrine of the ascension of the Virgin Mary to heaven as a dogma. From there, from the heights, she has been overseeing the Brazilian Armed Forces since 1964. In 1964, another military regime was established in Brazil, which lasted until 1985. Under him, many Brazilian socialists, including artists and intellectuals, were exiled or imprisoned.20 In honor of coming to power, the "president" Castelo Branco appointed Our Lady who appeared as the highest general

18. This was especially evident under the mayor of Rio de Janeiro, Pedro Ernesto. См. Adamo, S. (1989) "Race and Povo", in M.L. Conniff, F.D. McCann (eds) Modern Brazil: Elites and Masses in Historical Perspective, p. 202. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

19. Vargas also served as President-elect from 1951 to 1954; however, after leaving the residence for the last time, he shot himself.

20. Among them was the future president, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who was a Marxist sociologist at the time.

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Brazilian Army: another attempt to sanctify the limits, in this case very limited, of public space. Many priests of the Brazilian Church, to their credit, resisted the military regime; but the Virgin Mary for one hundred and fifty years was not so much the face of the Church as of Catholic Brazil as a whole.

In 1980, due to the long-awaited visit of Pope John Paul II, the influence of Our Lady Who Appeared was expanded in time. The estimated date of its discovery, October 12, was approved by law as an official national holiday. It was this revision of the national calendar that provoked the attack on Our Lady fifteen years later. By that time, the incident was already perceived not just as an iconoclastic attack, but as an attempt to redefine the public space of the nation as a whole. According to Leonardo Boff's insightful observation, " The Nossa Senhora Aparecida is a kind of national banner: a supremely important symbol that also happens to be black. To insult it is to offend the feelings of the people. " 21
In short, the official separation of religion from the State has been far from absolute in Brazil, if it has been successfully implemented anywhere in the world.

III. Religion and public space

The concept of the public sphere dates back to the distinction of public / private, which was formed in the process of secularization in Western Europe, starting from the Renaissance period22. As Jose Casanova points out, the statement "religion is a private matter" was the first freedom that was considered constitutive for the modern era in the West. It follows that secularization was a historical process in the context of which the concepts of public versus private domains developed within European nations and European colonies. Initial

21. Leonardo Boff, interview in Folha de Sao Paulo (October 22, 1995).

22. Gramsci tacitly acknowledges this when he tries to present his idea of civil life as derived from Hegel, rather than from the Catholic Church's view of civil life, which was apparently much more typical, or, to use Gramsci's own term, a hegemonic view. See Gramsci, A. (1995) Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, trans. Derek Boothman, Q6§24, p. 75. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

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the private right on which all others were based was the right to private freedom of conscience and religious affiliation.23 This, in turn, depended on the process by which the "two swords," church and state, were freed from their ideological union, which had existed until the European investiture disputes and their climax in the Reformation. In the following century, beginning with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, with its battlefields-borne agreement: cuius regio, eius religio ("who is the country, that is the faith"), the secularization of ecclesiastical lands was undertaken by nation-states with growing self-awareness. It was a tangible sign of what Max Weber called a differentiation into autonomous spheres: the state, the economy, religion, and art. This increasingly distinct differentiation, institutionalization, bureaucratization, and rationalization is becoming, in Weber's view, the defining characteristic of modern societies. The universal Catholic Consensus was no longer valid in the West. Ernst Trelch called the differentiation of religious and secular spheres a transition from "churches" that claimed universality to "sects" that abandoned such claims and embraced the idea of pluralism of power. 24 Gramsci expressed this briefly (and cynically) when he described the church's transition from being the sole hegemonic power in Italy to being a pure " tool royal authority." Although perhaps he described this change more objectively when he saw the Catholic Church as just one of many institutions that should assert and defend their claims and interests, and not just allow them to exist.25 Indeed, although Innocent X strongly opposed the Treaty of Westphalia, his voice was no longer powerful enough to force him to reckon with himself. It was in this historical movement that private religious consciousness and identity were first differentiated from the theocratic authority of the universal church. In this perspective, religion in the West was gradually becoming more popular.

23. Casanova, J. (1994) Public Religions in the Modern World, p. 40. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

24. Troeltsch, E. (1960) The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, 2 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, cit. in Casanova, J. Public Religions in the Modern World, p. 20. According to Casanova, if you follow the criteria of Treltsch, the Roman Catholic Church recognized the status of a "sect" only at the Second Vatican Council.

25. Gramsci, A. Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, Q6 §87, p. 17, Q14 §55, p. 44.

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"invisible", to use the classic definition of Thomas Lukman: invisible in the sense that it was differentiated into spheres that were autonomous from the sphere of public political society.26 In any case, this is the traditional version (or myth?) secularization.

Brazil, when drafting its first republican documents in 1890, was essentially dependent on this tradition, which was embodied, in particular, in the French and American constitutional models of separation of church and state. But the constitution of a public sphere without Catholic saints has so far seemed impossible or undesirable in Brazil: a fact that has not gone unnoticed by rival religious groups. Like Leo III, groups of Neo-Pentecostals from the last Protestant wave viewed icons as symbolic points at which the concept of Catholic Brazil can be challenged. This fact was clearly highlighted in 1995.

IV. Kicking the saint

October 12, 1995 was an unusual day for Nossa Senhora Aparecida. At the end of the holiday, the TV program "Twenty-fifth Hour", owned by Igreja Universal, focused on the image of the Mother of God. The screening of the procession of pilgrims on the road to Aparecida was accompanied by a voice-over commentary: "God has gone from being the main figure to a mere helper." Then the televangelist Sergio Von Helder appeared in the frame with the statue of the saint and began to literally insult it with a series of comments designed to link the Catholic image with biblical invectives against idolatry.: "It's just a piece of plaster made by human hands... It doesn't work here, nothing is sacred here. Is it possible to relate God to such a doll-so ugly, so disgusting, so wretched?... The Catholic Church stands on a lie... This image can't do anything for you."

At the same time, while holding the statue by the neck, he gave it twelve "kicks" and three" punches " with his hands to demonstrate-

26. Luckmann, T. (1967) The Invisible Religion: The Problem of Religion in Modern Society. New York: Macmillan.

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to compensate for her infirmity, to show that she is "only tin or wood." 27
The motivation for this action is ambiguous. At the most obvious level, the Day of the Patron Saint of Brazil was declared a public holiday in connection with the visit of Pope John Paul II to Brazil in 1980.Members of Igreja Universal considered this a clear intrusion of the national government into religious life, an attempt to give public space and time a configuration that corresponds to Catholic rationality. Indeed, the evangelicals that morning protested outside the Basilica of Aparecida just before the mass that was to be held in connection with the visit. This explanation - a protest against a Catholic public holiday-has consistently been offered after the incident by Igreja Universal's leader and founder, Edir Macedo. He usually spoke on the phone when he was outside of Brazil, in New York or in Buenos Aires: a spatial sign that the Brazilian press did not fail to note.

The incident can also be interpreted in the context of a rivalry that has been raging for some time between competing television networks, and specifically along religious lines. Owned and operated by the Marinho brothers, TV Globo is part of one of the most extensive and powerful media groups in the world. Globo presents various genres in its programs, the most popular of which is telenovelas, or evening mini-series. One of the highest-rated telenovelas of 1995 was called "The Fall", and the main character was a corrupt evangelical pastor and his sordid connections with parishioners of a financial and sexual nature. In one atmospheric, provocative scene, a pastor (clearly drawn from Macedo, the leader of Igreja Universal) seduces a young woman in front of a huge open Bible. The scene ends with the camera sliding over a pair of black underpants thrown on top of the Holy Scripture.

In justifying his actions, which took place only two months after the official trial against him began, Von Helder simply claimed that he wanted to save the believers in the images

27. Von Helder contacted the image with his feet and hands. Whether these were "kicks " or" punches " depends on the observer's point of view. Von Helder insists that he only "touched" the image.

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from "going to hell" after death. Macedo, in response to the outrage caused by the" kicking "of the saint, said that it was a direct response to the" attack "in the form of the telenovela"Fall". According to Macedo, TV Globo desecrated the Bible. TV Recors , a television company owned by Igreja Universal since 1991, denied the attack on the Virgin Mary. Macedo tried to steer the argument in the usual theological direction: "the word" versus " images." However, in this case, the struggle was conducted entirely in images - images of the TV screen.

Television, with its ability to spread its images to almost every home in Brazil, forms part of the "public space". If this has not been explicitly formulated and regulated before, then the legal implications of this case have laid the foundation for this. The strategy of Igreja Universal, its opponents claimed, was to establish control over public space, and thereby also over public consciousness and national identity, through controlling television stations. Already Brazil's third-largest TV network, TV Record has doubled the number of stations in the last two years alone. Before the attack on the saint, this expansion took place without much fuss or conflict. In fact, until October 12, 1995, it seemed that Igreja Universal had managed to gain a foothold in the national media.

The incident might have gone almost unnoticed, as only a handful of viewers watched TV Record that festive evening. However, TV Globo immediately seized on the picture and the next day showed it in all its news programs, as well as reproduced it on the front pages of affiliated newspapers. The" kicking " of the saint gained national significance only because the event was packaged and replicated - "promoted" - by the Globo TV company. She managed to contextualize the event, and thus Macedo, Igreja Universal, and TV Record were branded "anti-Brazilian", just as Theophanes branded Leo III for his "Saracen" (read: "anti-Byzantine") way of thinking. Thus, the semantic sequence used in the creative workshops of Globo had the following form::

TV Globo: image of the Virgin Mary, Catholic, Brazilian;

TV Record: iconoclasm directed against the Virgin Mary, Protestant, alien.

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V. Answer

The management of Igreja Universal, consisting of eighteen "bishops", quickly silenced Von Helder and transferred him to the United States. Soon after, he was appointed to one of the posts there, leaving the prestigious leadership of the Sao Paulo region and the southern part of central Brazil. Although he continued to be a member of the Igreja Universal management board, other members criticized him for abusive behavior and overzealous behavior. Quoting the Apostle Paul (1 Cor 13: 11), Macedo called Von Helder a baby. But at the same time, the core of the leadership defended the principles highlighted by the conflict: images are evil, Catholics are not real Christians, and Brazil, where religion, according to the constitution, is separated from the state, should not associate national holidays with the saints of the Catholic Church.

TV Record suggested that representatives of Catholicism

they had their own programs on the air, but the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil (CNBB) considered this a ruse and refused to participate in the discussion. The CNBB held special rallies to publicly reinforce its position on saints as "representations of loved ones" and carriers of piety. Plans were also being made to aggressively use their own television facilities. It is not surprising that many people were satisfied with this turn of events. Raimundo Damacheno Assis, secretary general of the CNBB, said the incident would serve to "awaken Catholics".

His statement in retrospect looks like an understatement. On October 15, 1995, protests against Igreja Universal took place in three states: in Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and parts of Minas Gerais. Some groups of protesters organized processions near evangelical churches with the image of the saint at the head. In Olaria, in the northern part of Rio, one of the churches of Igreja Universal was captured and thrown stones. In the municipality of Grazhau, also in the northern part of Rio, the Evangelical church was closed due to the danger of a bomb explosion; the same thing happened in Anschiet and in Rio Preto, where the caller said that he was acting at the behest of the Virgin Mary. In Montes Claros, Minas Gerais, Joan Moreira Cardozo entered the Igreja Universal church, waving a gun at those inside the building. Another group of Catholics gathered in front of the Igreja Universal office in Sao Pau-

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Lu yi demanded that the desecrated statue of the saint be handed over to them so that they could return it to the Aparecida in a ritual procession and re-consecrate it.

One of the evangelical pastors, Demilson Fonseca de Carvalho, was subsequently arrested for smashing several Nossa Senhora statues. Over the coming weekend, one hundred and fifty thousand pilgrims visited the Basilica of Aparecida to attend a special mass for the "atonement" of Our Lady. A week later, in El Salvador, seventy thousand people gathered on a soccer field to honor the Virgin Mary, express their indignation and, as evidenced by the many flags waved by the crowd, collectively support the Brazilian national spirit. Isolated episodes of violence continued for some time, including in Portugal, where five Igreja Universal churches were seized and vandalized. Six months later, the Argentine government banned the construction of six new churches of this denomination in Buenos Aires.

In the press, Von Helder's aggression caused widespread outrage and a national debate that in the following weeks would be called Brazil's Guerra santa (holy war). The emotional intensity of the backlash - the Catholic media's counterattack, the daily revelations of evangelical financial activities, the vivid images of hooliganism in front of numerous evangelical churches, the sudden violent displays of fervent worship of Our Lady Who Has Appeared in the media: worship that has hitherto been hidden under less overtly religious forms of holiday entertainment-all suggested that it was about more than just a theological reproduction of the iconoclastic turmoil. Both then and now, issues of nationalism and national identity, public space and the importance of protecting its borders formed a significant part of the hidden text of the conflict.

It is difficult to say who emerged victorious in this fight. At the CNBB meetings, the event was apparently seen as an opportunity to strongly affirm Brazil's Catholic nature and expand its influence through new media. For the bishops of Brazil, it was an inspiring fact that, despite the "superficial" growth of the evangelical movement, the nation retained a deep, if sometimes hidden, Catholic faith.

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piety. According to CNBB, this was a confirmation of Brazil's "natural" Catholicism.

Igreja Universal, by contrast, was exposed in an unexpected and depressing way at the very moment when it began to seem almost acceptable. More seriously, as a result of the attack on the image of the Mother of God, several different types of lawsuits were initiated against this denomination.28 On the other hand, Von Helder's punishments also brought the issue of public space and religious practice, with all its contradictions, into the spotlight of the media and became the subject of public discussion. As outside observers, we can see that Catholic hegemony has been presented as an ideology that is open to public debate. 29 CNBB's decision to go on television may have been perceived by Igreja Universal as almost a victory, or at least as an endorsement of its "Protestant" methods of acquiring converts.

However, the truly unexpected reconfiguration of the event occurred quietly and at first unnoticed. In the midst of all this noise and confusion, Nossa Cenhoa Aparecida, and with it its Brazilian public space, has slowly been "Africanized."

VI. Virgin-black

What is striking is that, as a result of the incident, Evangelicals were collectively portrayed as intruders, while Roman Catholicism and Afro - Brazilian Candomble and Umbanda were portrayed as genuinely Brazilian religious forms. For example, the most respect-

28. The prosecution has taken various forms. One charge was based on article 20 of Law 7.716 / 89, which prohibited acts of discrimination against any religion; another was based on article 150 of the Constitution, which prohibits the passage of collected money through private hands in tax-exempt religious communities; the third was based on article 208 of the Criminal Code, which prohibited public insults to religious sites; and One charge appealed to the national communications code, which regulates the work of the media.

29. This formula-hegemony as a hidden, non-negotiable order of things versus ideology as accessible to conscious reflection-ultimately goes back to Gramsci, but in this particular form is presented in: Comaroff, J., Comaroff, J. (1991) Of Revelation and Revolution, pp. 23-24. Chicago: University of Chicago of Chicago Press.

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The popular Brazilian newspaper, Folha de São Paulo, interviewed not only Catholic priests, but also the" mothers of saints " (mãe de santo; iyalorixá) that candomble recognizes: interviews about the religious intolerance suffered by evangelicals 30. On October 26, 1995, two weeks after the incident, a group of four hundred and eighty Candomble practitioners performed a purification rite for the Virgin Mary at the Second Congress of Afro-Brazilian Religions in Salvador, Bahia. It has been stated that Nossa Senhora represents on a deeper level the goddess Oshum-orisha (orixá) of cool water, beauty and sensual pleasure. In this new version of religious christianity, Catholicism and Candomble appeared as traditionally tolerant of each other and agreed with each other about the sacred character of saints /Orishas, with their common iconography, while Evangelical Protestants looked, by contrast, racists and outsiders claiming destructive exclusivity.

Why does this seem so startling? Because Afro-Brazilian traditions, and in particular Candomble, were considered "alien" for most of their history, the periphery of the Brazilian public space, the border of which had to be maintained and protected with the help of the state.

The Virgin Mary as the face of the colony

With the development of the sugar market in the 17th century, Brazilian slave traders turned human flesh into a source of maximum economic benefit. Purchased in West Africa for bars of iron - thirteen for a man, nine for a woman - 31 slaves were sold as livestock in the New World. A nineteenth-century English traveller indignantly described the process at the Rio market: "When a customer arrives, they [the slaves] line up in front of him; the buyer feels them where he wants, just as I have seen others touch calves; and the whole inspection goes on as if they were living in a cave."-

30. Folha de Sao Paulo (October 22, 1995).

31. Prices in 1699 at the Port of Bonny in present-day Nigeria, according to Barbot, J. An Abstract of a Voyage to New Calabar River or Rio Real in the Year 1699, vol. 5 of Churchill Collection of Voyages and Travels, 3d ed. (1744-46), p. 459, cit. in Crowder, M. (1978) The Story of Nigeria, 4th ed., p. 55. London: Faber & Faber.

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votnye... Sometimes I saw groups of well-dressed women buying slaves, just as English ladies amuse themselves with shopping in our bazaars. " 32

Nossa Senhora Aparecida ( Our Revealed Lady) is an image of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the heavenly patroness of Brazil.

However, if in many ways it was an absolute physical and cultural shock for the slaves, the shock of religious "conversion" in Brazil was less painful than for the Cotton Belt slaves in the United States. One reason was that Catholicism, practiced in the large homes of Brazilian sugar planters, was a form of Catholic piety, with its wary attitude toward the authority of priests and the worship of saints. Each large house had its own chapel, and the priest, if there was one, belonged to the planter's own people and was extremely dependent on him, being very far from Rome. Foreign visitors sometimes marveled at this Christianity, which had "many prayers and few priests, many saints and few sacraments, many feasts and little repentance, many prayers-

32. Walsh, R. (1831) Notes of Brazil in 1828 and 1829, vol. 2, p. 179. Boston: Richardson, Lord & Holbrook.

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tov and malo mess"33. According to Pierre Verde, the same saints who defended the interests of slaveholders also began to protect the slaves, helping them mystify their masters. 34 Brazil's colonial form of popular Catholicism, based on the veneration of saints and their images, offered a context into which slaves could transfer their own beliefs and practices, with the same emphasis on religious beliefs and practices. the context simultaneously masked these slave practices from hostile views.

The first mention of the word "candomble" occurs in a historical document of 1826: it refers to the house where a group of rebellious slaves took refuge.35 In fact, documentary evidence about African religions in Brazil dates back much earlier - to 1680, when during the investigation of the Holy Inquisition, Sebastian Barreto testified about "the custom of Negroes in Bahia to kill animals during mourning... and bathe in blood, saying that then the soul will leave the body and ascend to heaven."36 Another piece of evidence, also from the Inquisition, dates back to 1780 and reports that" blacks from the Portuguese Gold Coast [sic] perform secret dances led by a black tutor and before an altar full of people." idols, worshipping live goats"37. In addition, several royal letters (carta régia) addressed by the Portuguese Crown to the colonies address practices related to Candomblé: one letter, dated 1761, for example, concerns the arrest of a "black sorcerer"; another, dated 1785, orders the arrest of four Africans for practicing "drumming, witchcraft, and superstition"38. Such documents show that Brazilian elites, especially after 1804 and the successful completion of the slave revolution in Haiti, were extremely wary of Candomble as a possible source of resistance and rebellion. The Slave Laws of 1822, the year of independence and the proclamation of Nossa Senhora Aparecida as the patroness of the country, are even more important.

33. Hoornaert, E. (1992) "The Church in Brazil", in E. Dussel (ed.) The Church in Latin America, 1492-1992, p. 191. Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis.

34. Verger, P.F. (1981) Orixás: Deuses Iorubás na Africa e no Novo Mundo, p. 25. Salvador: Corrupio.

35. Verger, P. (1981) Notícias da Bahia-1850, p. 227. Salvador: Currupio.

36. Ribeiro, R. (1952) Cultos afro-brasileiros do Recife, p. 30. Recife.

37. Verger, P.F. Orixás: Deuses Ioruba's na Africa e no Novo Mundo, p. 26.

38. Arquivo Nacional: Cartas Régia de 1761 e 1785.

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we have strengthened this way of thinking. These laws allowed police officers patrolling the city in search of batuques-African ceremonies accompanied by drumming-to shoot drummers and throw participants in prisons.39
My fears were justified. In the twenty-eight years between 1807 and 1835, during the period of independence and supposed unity under the patronage of the Virgin of Aparecida, two dozen attempted conspiracies and revolts were carried out by the slaves of the city of Salvador. The latter proved most successful and led to the deportation of the instigators, many of whom were Hausa, back to Lagos.40 But if there were real reasons to be alarmed, the anti-riot precautions also served as a convenient excuse to step up police crackdowns on religious gatherings. The case of the police seizure of the Candomble temple in Bahia in 1829 indicates not only the presence and severity of repression, but also that some terreiros (temples) of Candomble were already well organized by that time, including on racial grounds. The Terreiros not only served as a bridge between African-born slaves and Brazilian Creoles, but also included well-to-do whites; they could serve as centers of resistance with limited resources to resist State power.41 In this case, the temple of candomble of Dahomey origin in Akku was seized on the orders of Judge Antonio Guimaraes. According to the judge's report, the seizure interrupted the ceremony, which had already lasted for some time, and continued for almost three days with a" rout " (com estrondo). Sacred objects and coins were confiscated, and thirty-six people were arrested. The eleven women were soon released, as they had to do laundry for their masters. The rest were put on trial, during which the drum and "the unholy instruments of their devilish games" were smashed in the presence of all present: a way of demonstrating civil authority. 42
39. Conrad, R.E. (1983) Children of God's Fire: A Documentary History of Black Slavery in Brazil, p. 405. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

40. Reis, J.J. (1986) Rebelião escrava no Brasil, pp. 16-18. Sao Paulo: Brasiliense.

41. Reis, J.J. (1986) "Nas malhas do poder escravista: a invasao do candomblé do Accu na Bahia, 1829", Religião e Sociedade 13(3): 108-127 (далее цитир, как "Nas malhas").

42. From Guimaraes ' written account of the capture, quoted in Reis, Nas malhas, p. 113.

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Another strategy of resistance, which by then had been in place for about two hundred years, was the flight of many slaves to the interior of the country, where they established self-sufficient and self-governing communities called kilombo. The most famous of these was the community of Palmares, which was defended by the legendary rebel leader Zumbi; he was eventually killed by government forces on November 20, 1695.

In short, there was nothing significantly Afro-Brazilian about the Virgin Mary's" change of color." On the contrary, it represented the face of the enslaving state (in the colonial period) and the police state (in the periods of monarchy and republic). Historically, it had almost no value for Afro-Brazilians. Since it was found in a region with a small and not very influential Afro-Brazilian population, its color was not interpreted in racial terms until the twentieth century. The abolition of slavery did not follow until 1888, on the eve of the establishment of the republic, so for most of the century after her coronation, the Virgin Mary appeared to symbolize the national state of slaveholders. While other saints were associated with various Orishas as their public faces during the formation of candomble, Nossa Senhora never played such a role. Other versions of the Virgin Mary have merged with female water deities such as Nemanja and Oshum (for example, Our Lady of Conceição - Nossa Senhora da Conceição), but not the Virgin of Aparecida. In the twentieth century, subtle hints of her African nature began to circulate - one of the legends told how she helped a runaway slave-especially during the reign of Vargas, when Our Lady of Aparecida became a symbol of folklore racial harmony. But even then, candomble's practitioners, who were marginalized in relation to urban centers, still distanced themselves from Nossa Senhora.

Undressing and changing the Virgin Mary

On the day Von Helder struck Our Lady Who Appeared, the three-hundredth anniversary of the death of the rebel slave leader Zumbi was almost a month away. Afro-Brazilian heritage celebrations were planned as lavish as ever. Since Zumbi was reborn as a hero of Afro-Brazilian identity (the meaning of this fact was also highly controversial), the color of the Virgin Mary was interpreted in a new context.-

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ste and got a new value of 43. Aparecida began to appear on the altars (peji) of candomble.

On November 15, 1995, the figures of Zumbi, the leader of the rebel runaway slaves, and Nossa Senhora Aparecida, the Patron Virgin of Brazil, came together. A new iconographic union was formed not only in the enclosed spaces of the Candomble altars, but also in public, at the "Kilombo Mass" - a tribute to Afro-Brazilian culture in the structure of the Catholic mass. It was celebrated in the Basilica of Aparecida a month after the "kicking" of the Virgin Mary and exactly five days before the three-hundredth anniversary of Zumbi's death. This mass, a musical ritual composed and performed by the famous Afro-Brazilian musician Milton Nashimento, was first performed in Recife in 1981, when the Vatican, fearing liberation theology and the movement of "basic ecclesiastical communities" (CEB), condemned it. Rome has banned its performance inside all Catholic churches. However, it was still performed-outside the walls of churches, under threat of violence and without any police protection.

In contrast, in 1995, the Brazilian clergy, despite the Vatican's position, invited performers to the Basilica of Aparecida and even sanctioned the Eucharist during the Brazilian Negro service.44 Through prayer, dance, and chant, the mass evoked a carnival of "African" and African-American heroes and gods, from Yahweh to Obatal and Olorum, from Martin Luther King to Stephen Biko, from Othello to Zumbi. One ceremony included the national anthem, the orisha Candomble invocation, the Catholic Eucharist and, of course, the Virgin-Our Lady Who Appeared. The blows of the televangelist Von Helder and the approach of the three-hundredth anniversary of Zumbi's death have brought her back into the spotlight.

During the performance of the" Mass of Kilombo", Naschimento brought the Virgin to the central altar and placed her in the place of honor. However, the Mother of God brought by him was strangely "naked", not wearing her usual mantle or veil. Naschimento didn't bother to explain this action, but it became more understandable

43.As 20 November 1995 approached, Zumbi was being hailed as a hero of workers, homosexuals and Afro-Brazilians concerned about racial discrimination.

44. A significant manifestation of spatial ambivalence, however, was that the Archbishop of Aparecida, Dom Aloisio Lorscheider, was absent but left a written greeting. In fact, none of the high-ranking hierarchs of the church was present at the service.

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in conjunction with another, subsequent action, in which the role of clothing was also assigned. By the end of the three-hour ceremony, an Afro-Brazilian orisha dancer named Rosie Zambesi appeared dressed as an Aparecida and dramatically transformed into the Virgin Mary who appeared. These two events represented two key structural elements of the mass. My interpretation is that the removed veil in the Nashimento performance symbolized the imperial, colonial Virgin Mary and what legalized her-the slave state. The virgin "undressed", which has lost its former form of national authority, can now be reinterpreted - disguised - as a modern Afro-Brazilian woman. Undressing and re-dressing mark the initiation rite of Nossa Senhora; the initiator is her image. Since undressing, throwing away old clothes, and putting on new ones are the main components of initiation for the Candombla orisha, it would even be quite plausible to consider the "Kilombo Mass"as the transformation of the saint into a possessed female" medium", after which the Virgin can" accept " her sensual orisha-Oshum. Through Candomble's religious metaphors, the "Mass of Kilombo" literally re-enters the possession of the Nossa Senhora Aparecida, at least temporarily changing the meaning of its presence. From now on, mass-produced dark figurines will combine the image of Afro-Brazilian history as a living, dancing Rosie Zambezi with the colonial and nationalist legalization of the Virgin Mary.

In this atmospheric moment - perhaps just a moment - Brazil's public face and public space were transformed. Nossa Senhora Aparecida, and with it the whole of Brazil, suddenly, suddenly, turned black. Orisha saints, Catholic and Afro-Brazilian, lined the altar of the national basilica along with a live, dancing Virgin. Meanwhile, the televangelist Sergio Von Helder, who had "internalized the opinions of the Saracens," became an expatriate in the United States.

VII. Conclusion

The event described here serves as an important lesson in terms of religion, nation, and public space. At the most superficial level, it is obvious that a codified doctrine, whether constitutional or canonical, is subject to all sorts of restrictions. -

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the goalkeepers of historical practice. It also seems obvious that the idea of a "private" religion, which is characteristic of modern nation-states, is by no means value-neutral. On the contrary, it assumes that religious feelings are primarily localized in beliefs and rational discursive statements, such as ethical or doctrinal systems. Such statements about religion are disguised attempts to define what religion is: civil, private, and non-public. But Brazil's "holy war" suggests that religious, as well as nationalistic, feelings are usually implicit. Rather, they are deeply hidden in matter and in practice, in objects and in their ritualization. The image carries a semantic load, although it cannot speak. But when the image is set in motion-kicked, stripped, carried, dressed - then religious feelings can break out into the public space again, as people begin to speak on behalf of the image. At such moments, the structures of an invisible religion are exposed. They can become quite and even too visible in the public space, intensified due to their connection with other relations - identity, race and nation. And to open up as what they've always been: a deeply public affair.

Finally, the images of saints / orishas are by no means closed symbols. As Nossa Senhora Aparecida teaches us, they can always be "woken up". The Virgin Mary, with her strange color and separated head, has come a long way. Originally conceived as a symbol of the nation, she is now understood as a Black woman and represents a new configuration of forces and individuals that are at the center of the Brazilian public space. Like the Mother of God who appeared, the saints are constantly busy showing the world a renewed world, and there is no end in sight.

Translated from English by Galina Vdovina

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